Designing Constitutional Governance for the Emerging Era

Posts Tagged ‘gov2.0’

The Active Citizen Challenge

In Governance on January 6, 2010 at 8:51 am

Last month’s The Economist had an article ostensibly about direct democracy, which was in fact about the voter-initiative industry.  While I have issues with identifying mass voter initiatives with actual democratic governance, the article itself did highlight how regular use of voter-initiative to side step the representative legislatures (charged with crafting law) can lead to an even crazier patchwork of rules and expenses.  This, however, points out the really interesting issue for us to look at whenever we approach the issue of real democratic governance: what constitutes an adequately educated and informed citizenry?

One of the issues that we recognize in governance today is the increasingly complexity of the societal issues that traditional governments are being tasked with addressing.  It is oft-lamented in the US that our representatives in government are themselves overwhelmed by the scope and complexity of the issues being pushed before them, and that they often lack the personal expertise or professional time to deal with them as effectively as we might like.  And this for individuals whose full-time job is, ostensibly, to govern.  How then does this translate to the broader citizenry when we start to contemplate true democratic systems or systems with more truly democratic elements?

What would you really want of your neighbors if they were to now become more active governors in your mutual affairs?  Better critical thinking?  Deeper knowledge of specific issues?  Broader grasp of interrelated issues?  More empathy and compassion?

Civics is one of those low priority subjects for most schools, probably somewhere below physical education, yet it, along with other knowledge bases and competencies become much more important to society overall as we push for more citizen participation in governance, whether through local civil society, “gov 2.0,” or voter initiatives.  Much of the current discussion around education in the US tend to relate to economics and work, yet homo politicus (please excuse my made-up Latin) becomes increasingly important relative to homo economicus if we truly start moving towards more democratic societies.

Faith in Democracy and Representation

In Uncategorized on September 17, 2009 at 8:07 am

International IDEA, respected for its work supporting democracy, recently posted a piece by their Secretary-General Vidar Helgesen about the affect of the global financial crisis on democracy.  It’s a short piece that I like for introducing a couple of useful concepts and discussions.  First, Mr. Helgesen frames the issue of the financial crisis’ impact in terms of people’s faith in democracy vs. people’s trust in democracy.  Faith here is people’s belief in democracy as an aspiration, whereas trust relates to their confidence in democracy’s actual performance based on their experiences.  As he points out, faith can be rising even as working trust diminishes.  I think this is simple but very useful way of framing discussions about our political order and the options we want to entertain for its design.

The second part that I liked about this piece was Mr. Helgesen’s look at our modern representative governments, talking about the “chain of representation, oversight and accountability.”  He briefly discusses this “chain,” providing another useful frame for talking about the nature of our modern political order and the pressures upon it, positioning citizenship in its proper relationship with governance (i.e. it’s true philosophical relationship).

We are indeed facing a paradox: on the one hand, getting together to start a dialogue, raise collective concerns, aggregate opinions, protest or demand change, has become easier. The internet and emerging national and trans-national cyber-networks functioning in real-time seem to hold incredible potentials for making political representation smoother, more transparent and more effective – or even, for broadening the space for direct democracy. They may well end up altering some of the paradigms of political life as we know them today.

On the other hand, the “classical” and still dominant system of representation is seriously challenged and there is an urgent need to re-establish the linkages between citizens and those who govern on their behalf. Governments, parliaments and political parties still have a key role to play and need to be accountable for what they deliver.”

In all I found the piece to be insightful and providing a couple of simple yet valuable frames for others to use in discussing, for instance, the implications of any long-lasting success that gov 2.0 may have in altering the role and nature of citizenship in contemporary representative governments.

Constitution-Making via SMS

In Civic Media, Constitution-Making on September 10, 2009 at 8:29 am

With the Gov 2.0 Summit going on right now (yeah, I wish I was there too!), all attention among US bloggers/posters is on gov 2.0 issues and applications and American-style civic media.  While I am absolutely interested in the evolution of civic media in established and stable political communities, I am also very interested in what kinds of civic media and underlying civic infrastructure we can create and deploy in other parts of the world where they are actively involved in basic political design (aka “constitution-making”).

A few recent examples, which I’ve mentioned in previous posts, keep me very hopeful that in more and more places people will be able to deploy easy-to-use technology to enable new levels and forms of public participation in the process of designing government.  The idea of constitution-making through SMS might sound laughable to traditional advisors to constitution-writing bodies, but the convergence of a variety of technologies takes the idea from laughable to plausible.  It should at least give us pause long enough to consider some new combinations and process.

Across the developing world people have for many years leapfrogged certain technologies that are foundational pieces of infrastructure in the developed world, and cellular technology is foremost among those.  From disaster response to mHealth, a variety of researchers and organizations have been developing and successfully deploying mobile phone applications for rural and dispersed populations in many countries.  Relying on a wide variety of combinations of SMS and webtools, these systems make real-time public education and collection of information not only possible but increasingly valuable sources of information and response.

A few recent examples of SMS applications, civic media, and visualization tools point the way towards how innovative supporters of constitution-making can, in the field, deploy unique and tailored systems to alter the role (and level of participation) of the public in the process of designing new governance.

To start with, the recent Afghanistan presidential election was tracked by people in the field and updated throughout through a mapping and visualization tool that included both voter turnout but also relative levels of violence.  The service was produced in partnership with the Global Development Commons by US AID.

GeoCommons, Global Development Commons

GeoCommons

Because of the data layers loaded, the GeoCommons application allows users to select and overlay a variety of interesting and relevant data, such as threat assessments, demographics, and poppy cultivation.  Those of us here in the US could certainly use these kinds of tools for our own frequent elections (and one has to wonder about the interesting data that people would load and the new connections and questions that people would start to ask as a result of the information).  Deployed in other countries for presenting important and relevant information, such as the real-time voting results and violence data, such tools would be very useful during a constitution-making process, and would give viewers (both the public as well as participants in a constituent assembly) a potentially different understanding of where and how things are playing out, in real time.

Another application that draws on existing SMS technology (along with Web and email) to gather and visualize various distributed data is Ushahidi.  Their cool tagline is “Crowdsourcing Crisis Information,” and indeed it’s designed for individuals to report and pull down crisis information.  The data submitted by individuals is mapped geographically but also temporally, allowing users to see both maps and timelines of events.

Ushahidi.com

Ushahidi.com

We can easily see this application being redeployed during the several months of a constitution-making process, capturing and visualizing the priorities and suggestions submitted by individuals across a country, shown by by region and locality, but also revealing any trends or shifts in the public consciousness across the course of the process.  Rather than a relative handful of “representatives” sitting in a constituent assembly being the only ones debating the interests of their constituencies, such discussion could be augmented in real-time by direct data from across the country.

Another interesting civic media application is NationBuilder by Jim Gilliam, demonstrated by White House 2.  The site enables people to collaborate on priorities, policy, and talking points, and in the case of White House 2, allows Americans the opportunity to see what executive branch policy might be like if it were a true democratic system of governance rather than an individual, executive function.

The potential with a site like this is obvious: a space for a dispersed population to assemble in a virtual forum to collaborate on creating and debating/voting on constitutional principles, establishing local and national priorities, and collaborating on political design options and preferences.  Whether used just as dynamic input to the constitution-making process and the debates of the constituent assembly or as a major component of actually identifying and selecting design options, the potential for this kind of civic media to change the nature of citizen responsibility for a new constitutional order is clear.

www.sokwanele.com

www.sokwanele.com

The fourth app that I want to highlight, and which I’ve highlighted in a previous post on Zimbabwe, is the ZIG Watch portion of the Sokwanele.com site.  This site includes a variety of useful and interesting information and apps to keep individuals informed about the background political agreements and the changing state of affairs in terms of things like reports of abuse and transgression against the agreements (tracking and displaying news reports).

Looking across just these four examples of civic media, mobile applications, and data visualization, we can easily imagine combinations of these used to draw directly on the interests, ideas, and preferences of a large distributed population to provide entirely new input to constitution-making processes and in the process provide very valuable real-time data and information about participation and evolving preferences to members of a constituent assembly, other agencies, and other observing / supporting organizations, to say nothing of creating an incredibly rich informational feedback to the constituents themselves.

A constitution-making process in places like Zimbabwe or perhaps Nepal, armed with information-rich sites with up-to-date background information and useful visualization tools like ZIG Watch, augmented with collaboration, mapping, and visualization sites that enable citizens to collectively create and endorse priorities and political design options, layered with data on demographics, opinions, participation, and violence, would enable an entirely new discourse and experience.  Such a process with those civic media tools and built on the specific local civic infrastructure could create, especially in “developing” countries, a whole new dynamic in terms of participation, innovative thinking, and grass-roots buy-in to both the process of designing a government as well as the resulting design itself.

On-Demand Democracy

In Civic Media, Governance on September 8, 2009 at 11:11 am

The recent piece “Diplomacy in the Age of No Secrets” by Gordon Crovitz in the WSJ was another look at how modern ICT, notably the combination of the Web and pervasive access to it, seems to be putting pressure on the traditional 20th century political calculus of making and implementing decisions in government.  It goes without saying that across most aspects of modern life, people in heavily connected parts of the world like the US have come to expect an Amazon/Dell/Google/Twitter/Facebook/Blackberry/iPhone  experience with whomever and whatever they’re dealing.  This of course puts adaptive pressures on the social, business, and political systems in which we all live, and which, naturally for institutions, do not experience systemic overhauls very often or very quickly.

Rather than a fundamental overhaul of the existing, established institution of American government, I suspect that the rise of civic media, combined of course with a citizen population very different in education, individual power, and expectations than the original American generations, will continue to play to the democratic mythology (fallacy) on which most of us were raised, enabling the expectations we had about government from grade school and further fueling the expectations we’ve come to expect through ICT.  I suspect that the new political tools we are experimenting with and the new interest in exercising political power to demand and require transparency and accountability from the government, will spur the development of a new set of governing relationships woven through the existing institution of government, but not fundamentally changing the constitutional order.

While we like to talk about democracy and democratization, the reality is, as I think most everyone would agree, that people don’t and can’t pay equal attention to every issue of collective interest.  What we see instead is what I’ve called in another post “reactive democracy” but what, in a more contemporary vernacular, we might call “on-demand” democracy.  Individuals pay attention to a few things that they come to care about, and take political action (read: participate) in the fewer issues that they are truly passionate about.  People really don’t want to be governors on every issue that comes up; they want to participate on the few they are passionate about.  Civic media is enabling individuals to alter the governance process “on-demand,” quickly rising up from the passive citizen body to temporarily become active participants.  What amount of influence this routinely has on decision making processes in government is certainly open to debate, but as the Diplomacy article points out, the citizens are coming to expect this kind of access, transparency, and participation.

So what does this mean?  While I certainly would love to facilitate a new set of discussions on how civic media can be used in the basic architecture of modern governance systems, if we are not here (i.e., within the gov 2.0 movement) talking about a fundamental constitutional reordering, then we should be talking about how our basic representative government can be augmented to formally and meaningfully engage citizens in an evolving on-demand democracy.  We need to start engaging politicians (those we elect to govern us), citizens, and even youth in discussions on what it means to a society with a representative form of government to have a citizenry that can help govern that society.  We don’t want civic media to become just stronger levers of pressure to apply to government officials; we want it to become technology that enables us to govern society better by involving citizens in actual governance.

New Political Philosophy

In Governance on August 25, 2009 at 1:48 pm

History shows us that broad changes in political philosophy are generated in response to political stasis (see the original Greek).  Whether it was the Greeks (particularly in Athens) or the British in the 17th and 18th centuries, the philosophies that come to frame political discourse are born out of the tensions and struggles by people to deal with real political challenges.  They do not in the initial instance precede dramatic political reconceptualization (unfortunately for those of us who love “philosophizing”).

Right now, with the clamor of gov 2.0 discussions and the impressive experiments in using social media and other ICT to create new “civic media,” we’re are participating in a push by citizens and advocacy groups for greater transparency, accountability, and responsiveness on the part of government.  Not anything new, but the thanks to the new ICT being employed, the effort is empowering citizens in entirely new ways.  Individuals can now organize themselves and others, access and share incredible amounts and slices of data, reach government officials, and act as their own media outlets to rally and bring visible pressure on government officials and agencies.  Demonstrations in front of town hall have nothing on the cacophony that today can be almost instantly pumped through countless channels to focus official attention on issues of importance to motivated citizens.

Writing on the Walls

writingonthewalls.com

The older terms created to label the application of ICT to government, such as e-government, and the electronic-born hopes for real democracy (e-democracy) have fast given way to new terms that may have similar foundations, but are driven by a new sense of the possible.  “Gov 2.0,” “civic media,” and “participatory-n” are the new terms of the day, and they are animated by legions of citizens who are no longer just “on-line,” they are now shaping and designing their daily experiences, as enabled by the Web and web-based tools.  So it’s very interesting to wonder at what this most recent and widespread push for reform in government (for that is what it really amounts to) will yield in terms of both new governance architectures but also the new political philosophies that will emerge to justify and celebrate them.

Citizens are not globally interested in all policy issues of collective importance.  They can only really focus on one thing at a time, and they are only individually passionate about a very small number of issues.  Thus, they are naturally “episodic participants” in governance.  While this may pose a challenge to general democratic theories and designs, the new civic media applications being developed, and the increasingly explicit concept of governance over just the institution of government, may be well-suited to accommodate this aspect of human political behavior.

The combination of emerging civic media tools on top of what we will come to recognize as a robust civic infrastructure, potentially enables a form of governance architecture I will call reactive democracy.  In such a form, society is not constantly steered by the entire assembled (organized) political community.  Rather, citizens have the right to choose their moments for full participation, and when they choose not to, they accede to other more motivated citizens and to other elements of government.

In such a form, government remains a critical institution, but other, formal and valid governing arrangements are nested throughout society.  Citizens are able to participate in governance when they are motivated to do so.  Government, on the other hand, always participates, being the “last line” ensuring security and stability.  But new governing relationships, new “receptor sites” are designed across the institution of government to provide constitutionally legitimate interactions for joint government/citizen governing.

The issue of constitutional validity is important.  In this emerging age, where, as demonstrated continually in just the recent gov 2.0 discussion, citizens are networked individuals, maintaining multiple identities and interests that often have little to do with spatial dimensions.  Whereas once civil society might have referred simply to the very local, geographic neighborhood governance conducted by citizens rather than the “government,” now citizens are active on issues of collective interest that not only cross geographic boundaries but also impact people all over the country.  In such a complex, networked age, accountability and transparency will apply not only to “government” but to all the other new governing actions as well.  Constitutional legitimacy, or the authority to exercise judgment and participate in decisions of collective interest that will affect lives beyond one’s own neighborhood, will be even more important in the decades ahead.

Considering these things, I wonder if the push for more participation now, even perhaps the emergence of a from of reactive democracy, is an intermediate step between classic representative government and genuine democracy.  Is it a new political plateau, an end state for this age, or is it merely one of may adaptive experiments to come?  How will political philosophy change to account for the new tensions, experiences, and solutions (whatever they may end up being)?  What will become the new norms, the new assumptions about the nature of citizenship and the design of governance?

Whether it was the Greeks, the Romans, the British, or the Americans, individuals and groups throughout history implemented new governmental innovations (often termed “reforms” at the time) as attempts to address practical issues facing them, and only later did the “successful” experiments come to reframe political discourse.

It’s going to be an interesting future history.

O’Reilly’s “Gov 2.0″ is “Governance”

In Civic Media, Governance on August 21, 2009 at 8:02 am

I took a look this morning at a couple of recent pieces going around now on Tim O’Reilly and his push for “gov 2.0,” one on Forbes and one a profile on ReadWriteWeb.  In them he talks about the government as a “platform for innovation.”  The basic concept is that the government provides the data and support for private-sector entities to create innovative applications for specific or local needs.

O’Reilly’s concept is certainly “web 2.0,” and it is definitely steps beyond the traditional definition of egovernment or even some of the current gov 2.0 conversations.  What I like about his vision is that, whether or not he intended it or not, it actually comes a lot closer to the recent intellectual discourse on government vs. governancePierre and Peters (among many others) have both written some very useful treatments of the difference between the two concepts and how, in the emerging era, we are globally seeing a need for societies to look at how to improve governance and how traditional central government is no longer best adapted to respond effectively to many of the governance challenges that have and are continuing to emerge.

Looking at the idea that O’Reilly proposes, that government be but one, albeit critical, actor (institution) in the web of governance activities, we can see not only a potential version of Pierre and Peters “Dutch governance school” model, we can also see forward to a future version of the “civic infrastructure” I mentioned in an earlier post.   Combined with civic media (which is all software), here we see civic infrastructure referring to the basic systems and access to information and energy flows necessary to use civic media and to essentially participate as citizens in governance activities.  In either the more advanced and distributed governance models or in O’Reilly’s vision pushed to its logical conclusion, civic infrastructure (along with the ability to generate and collaborate through civic media apps) would become critical to making the “government as platform” model work for the general population.  The discussion on what is necessary, what is a “right”, to enable citizens to make effective use of government-as-platform will be very interesting to watch.

And again, we want to add this (government-as-platform) model to our growing political “Design Box,” that growing inventory of components and possible governance architectures which future political designers, from local to national levels, can use for inspiration and experimentation.

At the same, it was interesting to pick up a post by @participatory on the change in people searching for the terms “e-democracy” vs “gov 2.0.”

Crowdsourcing the Republic

In Civic Media on August 11, 2009 at 9:31 am

I caught a good post today by Daren Brabham on the Center for Future Civic Media about crowdsourcing and governance.  Brabham is currently working on his disseration in using crowdsourcing for problem solving in nonprofit work and government.  I like what he had to say about the potential for crowdsourcing, and it certainly seems clear that our contemporary information and communication tools can enable crowdsourcing such that not only many more, but many new members of the political community can be brought into the problem-solving/idea-generation process than have traditionally been involving in our current and antiquated public input and public hearing processes.

More than just using new ICT to generate ideas and solutions for existing government, I’m interested in how crowdsourcing can become one of many new ways of organizing the political community for governance, as a fundamental and original political design option.  These types of organizations and relationships should become new options in the governance design space, ones that political designers start to draw upon in the constitution-making process.  These are in fact the kinds of alternative and wholly novel (at least in the history of polities) governing arrangements and structures that should be built as part of the constitutional order, and not just an add-on to representative government to increase problem-solving capacity or public buy-in.

It’s really an issue of considering the fundamental relationships of the political community.  Crowdsourcing as it’s currently conceived and practiced is not democracy, but we can definitely see how crowdsourcing (and its potential siblings and descendants) could be built into the fundamental structure of the political order to enable 21st century examples of democracy.  Like so much of our current excitement with social media, web tools, and ‘gov2.0,’ we should move beyond simply appending new inputs and feedback loops to a representative system of government, and start to really consider how genuinely democratic systems might be designed with 21st century technologies.

And another couple of post I came across regarding ‘crowdsourcing’:

Control, Participation, and Democracy

In Civic Media on July 31, 2009 at 6:06 am

Oliver Bell had a nice post yesterday looking at gov2.0 and wondering aloud what could be inferred about public and officials’ interest in the new web-enabled tools that are being deployed all across government.  He says, and I would agree, that there is a lot of talk amongst gov2.0 supporters about increasing citizen engagement and participation, yet the tools being deployed don’t quite equal ‘participation’ in the decision-making processes of government.   “From the side of the citizens I’m witnessing a push for more control of their elected officials and civil servants.”

This is, I think, a natural step in the progression as the tools and practices around civic media begin to develop.  It’s a relatively easy constitutional step to pump out data to the public and energize them to do something, and the easiest thing to do first is apply pressure on the officials in the system.  Nothing in the current constitutional order has to be changed, at least systemically, so it’s a natural path of little resistance.  It also accords with the impression of politics and advocacy most of us are familiar with.

There are some fantastically useful apps that are appearing, but the type of functionality that is offered by those tools tells an underlying story about how people are perceiving value in the data that is being published. Many submissions appear to be tools that will ultimately offer the public more control over their government, not necessarily mechanisms to participate in their government’s processes… Trending officials voting patterns, monitoring their expenses, looking at who they meet with and how they are connected with external organizations… all useful stuff, but not exactly participation.

And I agree.  There is a critical distinction in the notion of citizen that needs to be addressed at the same time that we address governance.  If we maintain the same, current constitutional order, broadly speaking a representative system in which citizens are passive members of the political order, then much of the push for gov2.0 will either end up being glorified egovernment initiatives to simply increase efficiency and ’satisfaction’ with government ’services’ or it will end up believing itself to be a herald of a fundamental reorganization of the political community for which it is not actually prepared.  There is an important, and philosophical difference between a political system in which citizens are conceived of a governors, and one in which the citizens are constitutionally (broadly speaking) bound to a role of informally calling their chosen governors to account.

There’s an important difference, and one worth exploring in much more wider circles of thought.

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